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  5. Iran-Contra affair

Events on April 7 in history

Iran-Contra affair
1990Apr, 7

Iran-Contra affair: John Poindexter is found guilty of five charges for his part in the scandal (the conviction is later reversed on appeal).

The Iran–Contra affair, known by various names such as the Iran–Contra scandal, the McFarlane affair in Iran, or simply Iran–Contra, was a complex and far-reaching political scandal that significantly impacted the United States during the second term of President Ronald Reagan’s administration. This intricate web of covert operations and legal violations unfolded between 1981 and 1986, drawing international attention and sparking widespread debate. The scandal revealed a clandestine operation where senior U.S. officials secretly engaged in activities that directly contravened American foreign policy and congressional mandates, raising profound questions about executive power, accountability, and the rule of law.

The Dual Objectives: Arms for Iran and Funds for Contras

At its core, the affair involved senior administration officials secretly facilitating the sale of armaments to the Islamic Republic of Iran, then led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. This was a particularly contentious act, as Iran was at the time subject to a strict U.S. arms embargo, primarily due to its designation as a state sponsor of terrorism and its ongoing, brutal conflict with Iraq. These clandestine transactions directly contravened established U.S. foreign policy and international law. Crucially, a primary objective of these illicit arms sales was to generate funds for the Contras, a group of anti-Sandinista rebels engaged in a guerrilla war against Nicaragua's socialist Sandinista government. Congress had explicitly prohibited further government funding for the Contras through a series of legislative acts known as the Boland Amendment, reflecting a deep division within American political circles regarding U.S. involvement in Central America.

The Hostage Connection and Shifting Justifications

The public justification offered for the arms shipments, when they eventually came to light, was that they constituted a strategic overture to Iran, aimed at securing the release of seven American hostages held in Lebanon by Hezbollah. Hezbollah, a powerful paramilitary group with deep ideological and logistical ties to Iran, particularly through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, was seen as susceptible to Iranian influence. The concept of exchanging arms for hostages was reportedly first suggested by Manucher Ghorbanifar, an expatriate Iranian arms dealer who acted as a key intermediary in these transactions. While some within the administration genuinely hoped these sales would leverage Iran's influence over Hezbollah to free the captives, a significant factual inconsistency emerged: the initial arms sales to Iran were authorized as early as 1981, predating the actual abduction of these specific American hostages in Lebanon. This timeline suggested a more complex and perhaps broader strategic agenda, rather than solely a humanitarian mission.

Oliver North and the Diversion of Funds

It was in late 1985 that the clandestine operation took a more audacious and legally perilous turn. Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, a staff member of the National Security Council, orchestrated the diversion of a substantial portion of the profits from these Iranian weapon sales—specifically from TOW anti-tank missiles and HAWK anti-aircraft missiles—to fund the Contras in Nicaragua. This direct funding of the Contras, in defiance of the Boland Amendment, became a central criminal aspect of the scandal. North later testified that the idea for this intricate profit diversion originated from the same Iranian intermediary, Manucher Ghorbanifar, underscoring the shadowy network of actors involved.

President Reagan's Awareness and Public Response

President Ronald Reagan was a known and vocal advocate for the Contra cause, often portraying them as 'freedom fighters.' However, the extent of his direct knowledge and authorization regarding the *diversion* of funds to the Contras remains a subject of intense historical debate. While he consistently denied awareness of the diversion, evidence suggests his awareness of the broader arms-for-hostages dynamic. Handwritten notes by then-Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, dated December 7, 1985, notably indicated that President Reagan was informed about potential hostage releases in exchange for HAWK and TOW missile sales to 'moderate elements' within Iran. Weinberger’s notes captured Reagan's concern: 'He could answer to charges of illegality but couldn’t answer to the charge that ‘big strong President Reagan passed up a chance to free the hostages.’' When the covert weapon sales were publicly exposed in November 1986, sparking a national outcry, Reagan initially appeared on television to acknowledge the transfers but firmly denied any 'arms-for-hostages' trade. However, as investigations deepened and were notably hampered by the destruction or withholding of critical documents by administration officials, President Reagan delivered a subsequent, highly anticipated nationally televised address on March 4, 1987. In this address, he took full responsibility for the affair, conceding that 'what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated, in its implementation, into trading arms for hostages,' marking a significant shift in his public stance.

Investigations, Indictments, and Controversial Pardons

The revelation of the Iran-Contra affair triggered multiple intense investigations aimed at uncovering the full truth. The U.S. Congress launched its own inquiry, alongside a review by the three-person Tower Commission, which President Reagan himself had appointed. While neither of these initial investigations found definitive evidence that President Reagan personally knew the full extent of the complex multiple programs, their findings highlighted significant failures in oversight and judgment within his administration. Crucially, in December 1986, United States Deputy Attorney General Lawrence Walsh was appointed as an Independent Counsel, tasked with investigating potential criminal actions by those involved. His exhaustive investigation led to the indictment of several dozen high-ranking administration officials, including the former Secretary of Defense, Caspar Weinberger. While eleven convictions were secured, some were later vacated on appeal. A controversial twist occurred in the final days of President George H. W. Bush's presidency (who had served as Vice President during the affair), when he issued pardons for all those who had been indicted or convicted but not yet fully cleared. Independent Counsel Walsh vehemently criticized these pardons, suggesting that Bush appeared to be preempting his own potential implication by evidence emerging during Weinberger's trial. Walsh explicitly noted a pattern of 'deception and obstruction' by Bush, Weinberger, and other senior Reagan administration officials, effectively ending further legal pursuit. Walsh submitted his comprehensive final report on August 4, 1993, and later penned a detailed account of his experiences as counsel in his book, Firewall: The Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-Up, offering an insider's perspective on the scandal and its aftermath.

Frequently Asked Questions About the Iran-Contra Affair

What was the Iran-Contra affair?
The Iran-Contra affair was a major political scandal during the 1980s Reagan administration where senior U.S. officials secretly facilitated the sale of arms to Iran (which was under an arms embargo) and then illegally diverted the proceeds to fund the Contras, anti-Sandinista rebels in Nicaragua, despite a congressional prohibition.
Who were the primary individuals involved?
Key figures included Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, CIA Director William Casey, and Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger. President Ronald Reagan's role regarding direct authorization of the fund diversion remains disputed.
Why was the sale of arms to Iran controversial?
The sale of arms to Iran was highly controversial because Iran was under a strict U.S. arms embargo due to its designation as a state sponsor of terrorism and its ongoing war with Iraq. These clandestine sales violated U.S. foreign policy and international law.
What was the Boland Amendment?
The Boland Amendment refers to a series of legislative amendments passed by the U.S. Congress that explicitly prohibited the government from providing further military aid or funding to the Contras, anti-Sandinista rebels in Nicaragua, reflecting deep congressional opposition to such support.
What was the "arms for hostages" aspect of the affair?
The official justification given for the arms sales to Iran was to encourage Iran to use its influence to secure the release of American hostages being held in Lebanon by Hezbollah, a paramilitary group with strong Iranian ties. This became a key, controversial element of the scandal.
What was President Reagan's involvement or knowledge?
While President Reagan was a vocal supporter of the Contras, evidence remains disputed as to whether he personally authorized the *diversion* of funds to them. He was, however, aware of the arms sales to Iran and their connection to potential hostage releases. He initially denied an arms-for-hostages trade but later took full responsibility for the affair, acknowledging that it had "deteriorated... into trading arms for hostages."
What were the consequences for those involved?
Several dozen administration officials were indicted, with eleven convictions resulting, though some were later vacated on appeal. Ultimately, President George H. W. Bush issued pardons for all those remaining who had been indicted or convicted, effectively ending further legal proceedings.
Why were the pardons issued by President George H. W. Bush controversial?
Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh, who led the criminal investigation, strongly criticized the pardons. He suggested that they might have been issued to prevent Bush himself, who was Vice President during the affair, from being implicated by evidence emerging in trials, pointing to a pattern of "deception and obstruction" by senior officials.

References

  • Iran-Contra affair
  • John Poindexter

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